In 2003, I launched a series called Owners of Nigeria, which ran for 11 episodes. After a long hiatus, I’ve decided to revisit and rerun all 11 episodes. I want to remind us, as Nigerians, of the challenges we continue to face. Some parts of the original series need updates. Other parts stay as relevant and impactful today as they were then.
Join me on this journey as we delve into how we, as a nation, arrived at our current state. Together, let’s ponder, analyze, and uncover the forces that have shaped Nigeria’s path. Here we go!
Owners of Nigeria – Part 1
By Seyi Oduyela
The gubernatorial and presidential elections on April 19, 2003, were controversial. They are often called the “419” elections, a term synonymous with fraud in Nigeria. Chief Bisi Akande was the former Governor of Osun State. He was lauded as one of the best governors from 1999 to 2003. Akande compared his defeat to being robbed. According to Akande, this experience was akin to a helpless victim allowing a thief to steal his possessions without resistance.
Reflecting on Akande’s analogy, I concluded that Nigeria’s situation mirrors this sentiment. However, I disagree with the notion of remaining passive. This issue deserves further discussion.
For 44 years, a cabal has dominated Nigeria. They have turned the nation into their personal fiefdom. These few elites have established dynasties. They cycle power among themselves. This makes the rest of us mere tenants in our own country. Who are these individuals, and why do they hold such power?
These influential figures span across all geo-political zones of Nigeria—West, North, East, South-South, and the Middlebelt. Our lives have been subordinated to their whims, dictating how we live, what we do, and even what we consume. This dire situation is, in part, our own doing. We have enabled them by allowing access to wealth and remaining complacent. We glorify and idolize them, even to the point of fighting and dying for their causes. Meanwhile, they thrive on our suffering, as we queue at gas stations, struggle for basic needs, and beg for crumbs.
Despite Nigeria’s abundant resources, many of our children abandon education to seek visas for servitude abroad. Our brightest minds are driven out, leaving behind a land reduced to a jungle. They control everything, including basic utilities, which we pay for but do not enjoy. Meanwhile, they never experience power failures or water shortages. They guarantee our refineries stay non-functional, forcing us to import petroleum products, with profits funnelled back to their foreign accounts.
This elite class has been entrenched since Nigeria’s independence. They continue to wield power. They often replace themselves with their offspring. They escape accountability for their crimes. Their crimes include murder. They manipulate every aspect of our lives. This ranges from determining the next president to drafting constitutions that serve their interests.
These individuals are not faceless; we see them daily and even sing their praises. Their empires include media, banks, police, military, state security, and government. This series of publications aims to shed light on these “owners” of Nigeria.
Born six years after Nigeria’s so-called independence, I have studied Nigerian history extensively. At a forum in New York on June 12, I stated my belief. I shared that Nigeria has essentially been ruled by the same set of individuals. This has occurred under a cyclical system since 1960. For example, Alhaji Adamu Ciroma graduated in history from the University of Ibadan. He has held various governmental roles. These roles included serving as the Central Bank governor until 2003. Even during illness, Obasanjo retained his portfolio. Similar longevity can be seen with figures like Phillip Asiodu.
Olusegun Matthew Aremu Okikiola Obasanjo
Obasanjo became a household name following the coup that killed Murtala Mohammed on February 13, 1976. Despite claims of accepting leadership under duress, his tenure was marked by authoritarian rule. He launched Operation Feed the Nation. This initiative failed. However, his private farm enterprise, Obasanjo Farms Nigeria (OFN), thrived. It expanded into a secondary school and a university.
Obasanjo’s narrative in his books “My Command” and “Not My Will” portrays him as a hero of the civil war. However, his political career is marked by controversial decisions. It is also defined by betrayals. In 1979, he overlooked electoral rigging, resulting in Awolowo’s defeat. In 1993, he supported the annulment of the June 12 elections, causing a rift with his friend Onoolapo Soleye. In 1998, Abiola’s death paved the way for Obasanjo’s return to power. The murder of Ajibola Ige in 2001 remains unresolved, with his alleged killer now a lawmaker.
Obasanjo’s recent actions as the head of Owu kingmakers, where he vetoed a majority decision, reflect his undemocratic tendencies. Tunde Bakare’s criticism of Obasanjo’s divine mandate has proven prescient, despite initial condemnation.
Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida
Babangida emerged from the ethnic cleansing coup of 1966 and rose to power, becoming Nigeria’s first military president in 1985. Known for his political acumen, Babangida maneuverer his way to the top, displacing contenders like Bako. His tenure remains controversial, characterized by strategic manipulations and a relentless pursuit of power.
This series aims to delve deeper into these figures and their impact on Nigeria. Stay tuned for the next instalment.
Continues…
Africanreporter 
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